IQBAL AND COLONIALISM – I

(26.4.1969)

There are various ways of celebrating Iqbal Day, and some of these may become juxtaposed in the same place and at the same time. For one person it may signify an occasion to deny the importance of Quaid-e-Azam as the founder of Pakistan and for another it may merely mean an opportunity to use Iqbal for tilting against the Socialist windmills. Another way is to gather together some references to Socialism in Iqbal's writings and discover in them a defence of landlordism, capitalism and colonialism.

Now it is a well-known fact that the Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan . There is the reason why he is called "Father of the Nation." In his correspondence with Jinnah, Iqbal did not regard him as "any ordinary mason" who could "raise a structure"" on " Pakistan 's blue print," prepared by him, as Mr. Brohi has tried to suggest. The reason for this veiled attack on the Quaid-i-Azam by an eminent lawyer, who knows so well the effectiveness of an innuendo, is not quite clear. It may very well be that Mr. Brohi is angry with the Quaid-e-Azam for having used the obnoxious term "Islamic Socialism" which has become the cause of heated ideological discussion in recent times.

The Quaid-e-Azam said, "You are only voicing my sentiments and the sentiments of millions of Mussalmans when you say that Pakistan should be based on sure foundations of social justice and Islamic Socialism, which emphasises equality and brotherhood of man. Similarly you are voicing my thoughts in asking and aspiring for equal opportunities for all. These targets of progress are not controversial in Pakistan . We struggled for it, we achieved it, so that physically as well as spiritually we are free to conduct our affairs according to our traditions and genius. Brotherhood, equality and fraternity of man -- these are all the basic points of our religion, culture and civilisation. And we fought for Pakistan , because there was a danger of denial of these human rights in this sub-continent." (Speech in Chittagong March 26, 1948).

It is a very lucid statement without any kind of ambiguity or innuendo, which qualities are rare to find in the style of Quaid-e-Azam. He was leading a nation to liberation and could hardly afford to leave them in any confusion as to its purpose and goal, unlike some who say one thing and mean another. When the Quaid-e-Azam said that Pakistan 's meaning is "La Ilah il -Allah", he meant by it, in sociological terms, exactly the affirmation in Pakistan of "brotherhood, equality and fraternity of man" so that "physically as well as ' spiritually we are free to conduct our affairs according to our traditions and genius." It was this "conducting of our affairs… physically as well as spiritually" in tune with "brotherhood, equality and fraternity of man" that he called Islamic Socialism. Why so many gentlemen today find ambiguity in the above clear statement of the Quaid-e-Azam can only be the result of some kind of moral and intellectual myopia, so well described in the Surah al Baqra.

Iqbal understood the importance of Jinnah and his political sagacity as well as he understood the root-cause of the economic degradation of the Muslims of India. "The Muslim has begun to feel that he has been going down and down during the last 200 years. Ordinarily he believes that his poverty is due to Hindu money lending or capitalism. , The perception that it is equally due to foreign rule has not yet fully come to him. But it is bound to come." (Letter to Jinnah 28th May, 1937). In another letter to Jinnah (June 21), Iqbal says, and this is relevant to Mr. Brohi's analogy of the architect and "any ordinary mason" -- "I do hope you won't mind my writing to you so often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has a right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the whole of India." One fails to understand why Iqbal did not write this in a letter to "any other mason", for instance, Mr. Brohi, or Maulana Maudoodi.

It is not necessary here to enter into the discussion of whether Iqbal was a Socialist or not, which the Maudoodites and neo-Mandoodites are provoking. We know that the Mamdoodites were not in favour of an independent homeland of the Muslims based on their consideration as a separate nation. In the same letter Iqbal wrote, "To my mind the new constitution (1935 Act) with its idea of a single Indian Federation is completely hopeless … Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are?"

The three schemes of Maudoodites were as follows -- written by Maulana Mauddodi in October, November, December 1938, i.e. six month, after Iqbal's death: "(1) The correct position regarding the formation of a democratic State in a country of two or more nations is this. First, it should be based on the principle of international federation. In other words, that it should be a State not of one nation but a State of federated nations (2) If this form of international federation should not be accepted, then the second form can be this, that land boundaries should be determined for various nations where they can form their democratic States. -- Every State should be given the maximum internal independence, and the authority of the federal centre should be minimum. In this case we would not only be willing to form a Federal State, but actually prefer it … (3) If even this form is unacceptable then, as a last resort, we will demand that our national States should be formed separately and they should have a separate federation. Similarly there should be a separate federation of Hindu states, and then between these two or more federal States there should be a kind of confederacy, in which there should be co-operation on special subjects like defence, communications and trade relations in accordance with specified terms." (Page 475-481-482). 2

This proposal, in all its three forms, was a proposal of a federation or confederation of Hindu and Muslim States "in a country of two or more nations," It was the formula which represented the last ditch battle of the Hindu nationalists and the British imperialists to frustrate the clear-cut scheme of an independent and sovereign state of the Muslims in their majority areas, which, as we all know, was the scheme of the Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal. One can understand the reason why Maulana Maudoodi presented this scheme of enslavement of the Muslims, under the pleasant-looking garb of "federation or "confederation" at the time that he did. It was simply to negate the movement led by the Quaid-i-Azam for a totally independent and sovereign state which had burst on the horizon of India as a storm, challenging that other storm which in the words of Iqbal was coming "to the whole of India", and of which latter storm Maudoodism was merely a subsidiary wind, as the words and actions of Maulana Maudoodi proved during. 1939 to 1947, when he opposed the Muslim League, the Quaid-i-Azam and League movement tooth and nail. One can understand why he did it then. One cannot understand why he is doing it today, because he has recently put forth a new, a deluxe, edition of the book containing this scheme for "federation" or "confederation", at a time when certain imperialist forces are also promoting this very scheme.

Leaving alone the old and new schemes of Maulana Maudoodi, let us return to the subject of what Iqbal thought was the greatest enemy of the Muslims of Asia, and of the entire world. In his "Pas Cheh Baid Kard ay Aqwam-i-Sharq" -- (What then shall we do, O nations of the East) we form a clear cut idea of what his political (and economic) massage to humanity meant, because that was precisely the subject of this long poem.

The section which bears the title of the whole poem begins with an attack on "Afrang". Now this word can be given an interpretation to include all the nations of the West whether enslaved or free, to include all the people whose skin is white whether they are victims of oppression --as people of Latin America -- or their white oppressers. That this is not Iqbal's meaning, and that he is talking about imperialism when he uses the word Afrang is clear not only from the meaning of "Farangi" in our political history of the last 200 years, but also from the poem itself.

Beginning with the incomparable apostrophe -- "Mankind is in bitter lament because of Afrang" -- Allama Iqbal immediately reveals how Afrang is in a stage of decay and disintegration, and that its victims are rising in rebellion:

"What then shall we do, 0 nations of the East? Once again the days of the East are being lit up, In the inwardness (of the East) a revolution has appeared. The night passes and the sun has appeared … The difficulties of mankind are from him. The inner pain of humanity are from him. do you know of Afrang and of the works of Afrang? How long will you be enmeshed in the toils of Afrang's Brahmanical thread? The wound from him, the lancet from him, and the needle to sew the wound (likewise) from him. Alas for us with the stream of our blood and our expectation of dressing of the wound by him. You know that Empire is tyranny. And this tyranny in our age has assumed the form of mercantilism. The floor board of the shop is a. partner of the Crown and the floor board .of the throne. From trade is gathered profit and from Empire the tribute. The Emperor who is at the same time the trader, has good words on his tongue and evil in his heart. If you but knew properly the manner of his business calculations, your linen would appear to you softer than his silk. Pass by his workshop, indifferent to what it contains. Do not buy his "posteen" (warm coat) in your winter. It is his way to kill without warfare and without striking a blow. There are deaths hidden in the turning of his machines While bargaining he is all smiles and peaceable. We are like little children and he the seller of sweets. He enters into the eye and the heart of the customer. O Lord! Is this trade or is this sorcery? The traders of colour and fragrance took away the profit. We customers remained blind and unhappy. Whatever grows in thy soil, O man of freedom. Sell that, and wear that, and eat that alone. Those wise ones who have realised themselves, have woven for themselves their own blanket. O you who are ignorant of the works of the present age, beware the smooth and wily hands of Europe . They prepared carpets from your silk. And then placed them in front of you (to buy). Your eye was caught in its surface charm. Its colour and sparkle swept you off your feet. Alas for that river whose waves have little tumult. It had to buy its own pearl from the divers." (p 61-63).

This is "Afrang" in the eyes of Iqbal. It is a true picture of colonialism, the fight against which was the permanent theme of Iqbal. It is Afrang which has destroyed the economic, political, social, cultural and religious independence and "self' of the nations of the East, among them Pakistan . And here is a picture of neo-colonialism which at that time was emerging in the form of the League of Nations -- the parent to the present United Nations Organisation.

"It only strengthens the chains of the slaves. The blind call it freedom. It saw the increase in the stormy movement of the people. So it covered up the face of imperialism with a veil. It named Empire as the "unity of nations". It made its purposes secure and babbled words which are meaningless. In its sky one may not stretch one's wings. With its key one can not open any door. It said to the caged bird: O suffering one! Make thy nest in the house of the bird catcher. Whoever built a nest in the forest or the grassland, cannot remain safe from the eagle and the hawk. With these magic words the wise bird is intoxicated as from a drugged bait, and breaks off the lament in his throat. If you would be free do not fall into this net. Go thirsty and die, but do not drink the liquid of his wine. Beware the sharpness of his clever talk. Beware the multiple meaning of his words. Eyes get more lightless by his kohl (collyrium). The helpless slave becomes more helpless through his cleverness. Beware of the wine of his bumper glass. Beware of the evil game of dice he plays. The man of freedom does not for a moment neglect his self. Guard thy self, do not eat his opium pill. Go proclaim the challenge of Moses in front of the Pharaohs. So that your rod splits the sea in two". (Page 46-47).

NOTES:

1. Published in The Pakistan Times. 26.4.69.

2. “Musalman aur Maujooda Siasi Kashmakash” Maulana Abul A'ala Maudoodi. Published by Jamaat-i-Islam.